Showing posts with label Living abroad. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Living abroad. Show all posts

Friday, June 15, 2012

Italy seeks extradition of Australian "Mafia" trio

Three Mafia figures living freely in Australia and labelled ''extremely dangerous'' by Italian authorities have been sentenced in absentia to long jail terms for international drug trafficking.

Fairfax can reveal that Australian men Nicola Ciconte, Vincenzo Medici and Michael Calleja have been convicted and sentenced in absentia in Italy for their role in a plot to smuggle up to 500 kilograms of cocaine into Australia.

Australian and Italian police have received intelligence that the cocaine - which has never been recovered - was meant to be smuggled off the port of Melbourne by corrupt workers and taken via truck to a container yard in Sydney, where some of it was to be hidden in a second truck and driven to Adelaide.

Ciconte, 56, formerly of Victoria but now living on the Gold Coast, was sentenced to 25 years jail last month by a Calabrian court for his role in the conspiracy.

The court heard that Ciconte had, along with a small group of Calabrian Mafia bosses, worked as ''promoters, directors, organisers and financiers'' of a plan to import cocaine provided by the Colombian cartels to Australia between 2002 and 2004.

Medici, 47, of Mildura, and Calleja, 53, of Melbourne, were found to have assisted Ciconte in the plot and were each sentenced to 15 years in jail.

Assistant prosecutor Maria Vittoria De Simone told Fairfax that Italy would be pushing the Australian government to extradite the convicted men.

''We will be strongly pursuing the extradition,''

''These individuals have been convicted of heavy sentences in a huge trial and they are extremely dangerous.''

The revelations of the trio's convictions and sentences highlights a common but mostly untold story of global organised crime investigations, in which suspects often escape justice due to jurisdictional hurdles.

During the Italian police inquiry into Ciconte, Medici and Calleja, the Australian Federal Police launched its own drug trafficking inquiry into the trio.

But key evidence from Italian police, including the testimony of an informer, could not be used in Australian courts and the Commonwealth Director of Public Prosecutions advised the AFP against charging the men.

Before the Australian trio were convicted and sentenced in absentia last month, Italian prosecutors had alleged in court that the men had conducted a trial drug run using an empty shipping container before the actual drug run.

The prosecutors alleged that Ciconte ''maintained contact with associates in Vibo Valentia, supplying the materials for the trial containers in collaboration with Medici, Calleja … who made several trips from Australia to Calabria to determine the details of the shipments and the payments''.

''The ultimate goal for Ciconte, Medici, Calleja … [was] to supply the imported cocaine in the Australian market''.

Ciconte's key contact in Italy was Calabrian mafia boss, Vincenzo Barbieri, who is serving an 18-year sentence for his role in the plot.

Between 2002 and 2004, Italian authorities tapped phone calls between Barbieri in Calabria and Ciconte in Victoria and filmed meetings in Italy between Ciconte and his Australian associates and Barbieri and other Mafia figures.

The trio's sentencing in Italy also highlights the ongoing presence in Australia of the Calabrian mafia, known as the 'Ndrangheta, or Honoured Society, which established deep roots in NSW, Victoria and South Australia through migration during the last century.

Ms De Simone told Fairfax: ''We urge the Australian authorities to remember that 'Ndrangheta … represents an enormous risk for countries far from Italy.

''The 'Ndrangheta is the organisation that runs the international cocaine market. It doesn't do its business in Calabria but around the world. It has infiltrated all economic sectors and it controls voting and political candidates at a national and international level. I urge the Australians not to underestimate this organisation. Otherwise it will be too late.''

Ms De Simone said a request to extradite the trio would be made by Italy's Ministry of Justice to the Australian Attorney-General Nicola Roxon.

When asked about the case, the Attorney-General's department told Fairfax it does not comment on extradition matters.

In a separate case also targeting Australian crime figures with links to the Calabrian mafia, NSW drug trafficker Pasquale Barbaro was last month sentenced to life in prison for his role in organising an importation from Italy.

Expatriates find an affordable welcome in Ecuador

Ashley Rogers wanted adventure. She had been a network television producer and writer in Los Angeles for 20 years when she decided it was time to move abroad.

After considering Buenos Aires, Montevideo and Panama City, she settled in May 2011 on Cuenca, a small city of about 330,000 in the highlands of southern Ecuador, drawn to its culture, friendly people and low cost of living.

“The building I ultimately moved into was the first of its kind in Cuenca: an old colonial building being renovated and restored into ultra-modern apartments and lofts, yet keeping the integrity of the historic building,” Ms. Rogers said. “It is the perfect blend of old and new and I couldn’t be happier.”

Ms. Rogers paid $148,000 for the 186-square-meter, or 2,000-square-foot, loft with adobe walls in Casa San Sebastian. The price included reconfiguring the initial architectural plans to match her taste and all the renovations, like the addition of skylights and a mezzanine, surrounded by glass.

“It was an empty shell when I purchased it,” Ms. Rogers said. She worked on the renovations with Juan Heredia, the first developer in Cuenca to take on such restoration projects, capitalizing on the city center’s status as a Unesco World Heritage Site.

Since finishing the brick building that includes Ms. Rogers’ apartment, he has worked on Casa Juan Jaramillo, in the city center, which sold out immediately. His third restoration, at Casa de los Frutales, is being planned.

Ms. Rogers still works on documentary films in various spots around the world but she also has found business opportunities within the Ecuadorean expatriate community. She and Michel Blanchard, a former model and fashion editor, have started Ecuador At Your Service, a travel consultancy and concierge service for anyone interested in visiting or moving to the country. They also are co-hosts of an Internet radio show about Ecuador for the Overseas Radio Network.

Other expatriates, primarily retirees from the United States, also have been drawn to Cuenca since a 2009 magazine article labeled it the “World’s Best Place to Retire.” Today, estimates say there are 1,500 to 1,600 expatriates living permanently in the city, with another 1,000 on long-term visas.

One of them is George Evans, who had been planning to retire in Tucson, Arizona, but was unhappy about the cost of utilities, gas and food. He moved to Cuenca almost three years ago with his wife and two children and opened California Kitchen, a restaurant that quickly became a popular meeting spot for the expatriate community.

“The weather is nice. The cost of living is very low. Public transportation is very good,” said Mr. Evans, who lives in an apartment south of the city center. “I really love to walk and don’t need a car.”

One feature that expatriates regularly cite is the inexpensive, high quality health care provided by the 18 hospitals and medical centers in the city and the large number of English-speaking doctors. Also, as Cuenca is the center of the region’s agricultural and tourism industries, it has supermarkets and malls, English-language bookstores and cultural opportunities.

News articles frequently tout the low cost of living in Cuenca, which one Canadian family of three estimated to be $11,000 a year in 2010.

But no one should expect to find a $40,000 condo. (The U.S. dollar is the official currency of Ecuador.)

Residential buildings range from stone and brick structures that are centuries old to modern condominium and apartment developments in concrete and steel, often covered in brick veneers.

Most condos are priced from $800 to $1,000 per square meter, which equals about 10 square feet, less than half the average cost in Panama City.

Houses tend to be cheaper at $500 to $600 per square meter, with prices declining in rural districts like the Yunguilla Valley.

Most units can be bought for somewhere between $80,000 and $300,000, said David Morrill, who moved here eight years ago from Tallahassee, Florida. He owns Cuenca Real Estate and also runs an expatriate Web site and newsletter.

Mr. Morrill said there are 30 to 40 new condo buildings in development in the city at any given time, and most projects sell out before construction is finished. Prices, he said, have increased around 10 percent per year for the past five years. For example, he said, “I bought a condo six years ago for $60,000 and sold it for $98,000.”

“If you come for the cheapness, you will be disappointed,” Mr. Morrill said, adding, “There’s a lot to enjoy, but it’s not for everybody.” He estimated that of every four expatriates who move to Cuenca, one decides to leave.

But in addition to the real estate demand from expatriates, Cuenca is popular with Ecuadoreans returning to the country after spending years in the United States or Europe. Mr. Morrill estimates that they make up more than 30 percent of the potential buyers’ pool.

“There are 3.5 to 4 million Ecuadoreans living out of the country and almost all want to come back” to retire, he said.

Thursday, June 14, 2012

Finding private bankers is far more difficult than clients imagine

Since the financial meltdown of 2008, private bankers have been busy devising schemes to both maximize the fees they earn from wealthy clients, as well as make it more difficult for clients who wake up to discover they’ve been hosed, to fire them.

The new financial products and strategies that private bankers have been sneaking into client portfolios in recent years serve a purpose that has nothing to do with what’s best for clients. It’s all about improving the bottomline of the private banks. Unfortunately transferring wealth from client accounts is the means to the end that private banks are seeking.

Structured notes, hedge funds, hedge fund of funds and other high risk investment products lack transparency and liquidity and are hard-to-value assets. As a seasoned investigator I can assure you, it is impossible for you to evaluate and monitor the risks related to these investments. Don’t even try to.

Even if you were able to get hold of the terms sheets, offering memoranda and other documents related to these investments, good luck understanding the unique features involved in each and every one of these highly complex products. Further, the investment strategies and portfolio composition of hedge funds and hedge fund of funds can be changed at any time.

That domestic equity, long-only, unleveraged fund you invested in today may become global, short and levered to the max tomorrow. With respect to hedge fund of funds, you will not even know who’s managing your money or where your money is being custodied. Caymans? Bermuda? Guatemala? Who knows?

Structured notes, hedge funds and hedge fund of funds are purchased for discretionary clients by private banks because they pay significantly higher fees to the bank.

A private bank may earn 20 to 50 basis points in revenue sharing by steering client portfolios into mutual funds managed by others. (Private banks may deny they receive these revenue sharing payments but, trust me, they do.)

A bank may earn far more – 100 to 150 basis points—from proprietary mutual funds. This is still chump change.

Exponentially greater fees, say 3% to 8% and performance fees of 40%, can be earned by the bank from alternative investments. Given the financial pressure banks are under today, is it any surprise where they’re steering investors? But that doesn’t make it right. These discretionary investment managers are supposed to be guided by what’s best for their clients—held to a fiduciary standard of care. Unfortunately, no regulator is scrutinizing the investment management activities of private banks which are not required to register with the SEC.

Investing client assets in high risk, high fees products that do not perform competitively is a violation of applicable fiduciary duties, in my opinion. Whenever I have examined the performance of these private bank investment products (net of all fees) compared to relevant benchmarks, the perfomance is not just bad—its horrific. T-bill performance for Madoff-size risk.

Since the financial meltdown of 2008, private bankers have been busy devising schemes to both maximize the fees they earn from wealthy clients, as well as make it more difficult for clients who wake up to discover they’ve been hosed, to fire them.

The new financial products and strategies that private bankers have been sneaking into client portfolios in recent years serve a purpose that has nothing to do with what’s best for clients. It’s all about improving the bottomline of the private banks. Unfortunately transferring wealth from client accounts is the means to the end that private banks are seeking.

Structured notes, hedge funds, hedge fund of funds and other high risk investment products lack transparency and liquidity and are hard-to-value assets. As a seasoned investigator I can assure you, it is impossible for you to evaluate and monitor the risks related to these investments. Don’t even try to.

Even if you were able to get hold of the terms sheets, offering memoranda and other documents related to these investments, good luck understanding the unique features involved in each and every one of these highly complex products. Further, the investment strategies and portfolio composition of hedge funds and hedge fund of funds can be changed at any time.

That domestic equity, long-only, unleveraged fund you invested in today may become global, short and levered to the max tomorrow. With respect to hedge fund of funds, you will not even know who’s managing your money or where your money is being custodied. Caymans? Bermuda? Guatemala? Who knows?

Structured notes, hedge funds and hedge fund of funds are purchased for discretionary clients by private banks because they pay significantly higher fees to the bank.

A private bank may earn 20 to 50 basis points in revenue sharing by steering client portfolios into mutual funds managed by others. (Private banks may deny they receive these revenue sharing payments but, trust me, they do.)

A bank may earn far more – 100 to 150 basis points—from proprietary mutual funds. This is still chump change.

Exponentially greater fees, say 3% to 8% and performance fees of 40%, can be earned by the bank from alternative investments. Given the financial pressure banks are under today, is it any surprise where they’re steering investors? But that doesn’t make it right. These discretionary investment managers are supposed to be guided by what’s best for their clients—held to a fiduciary standard of care. Unfortunately, no regulator is scrutinizing the investment management activities of private banks which are not required to register with the SEC.

Investing client assets in high risk, high fees products that do not perform competitively is a violation of applicable fiduciary duties, in my opinion. Whenever I have examined the performance of these private bank investment products (net of all fees) compared to relevant benchmarks, the perfomance is not just bad—its horrific. T-bill performance for Madoff-size risk.

Wednesday, June 13, 2012

Call to criminalise Australians who support Fiji regime

There has been a call for Australia and New Zealand to make it illegal for its citizens to work overseas in support of undemocratic regimes.

The call comes from prominent Fiji academic, Professor Wadan Narsey, who says several Australians and and New Zealanders are working in prominent positions in the coup installed military government in Fiji.

Professor Narsey told Radio Australia's Pacific Beat program that both countries already criminalise their citizens who travel offshore to engage in paedophilia or terrorist activities, and supporting what he says are illegal governments should be treated the same way.

"I mean I have no problems with those people who are trying to do positive and constructive things, you know, to try and get the country back to a lawful and democratic government," he said.

"But where I have a problem is where quite a few people have gone there and justified illegal things such as the overthrow of a lawful government, or they have taken part in processes which have compromised the judiciary or have compromised the ministerial portfolios."

"If somebody goes and engages in paedophilia or engages in activities which encourage terrorism, such as what happened in September 11, you have laws over here which allows the Australian and New Zealand Governments to prosecute them," said Professor Narsey.

"There is no laws which they can use to discredit this unlawful behaviour abroad, and to me this strikes me as double standards."

He says the lack of legislation available to prosecute such actions is a double standard, made more glaring by the fact that Australia has imposed travel bans on not only those taking part in the coup in Fiji, but their relatives as well.

"That infringes on their basic human rights," he said.

"I mean you are not responsible for your relatives, you are responsible for your own actions."

Professor Narsey says that with huge financial interests at play in areas like PNG and East Timor, there is the very real danger that the assistance of well-trained New Zealanders and Australians can be used to further weaken the fragile political and judicial institutions in these places.

Tuesday, June 12, 2012

El Salvador women put their faith in agroecology

María Elena Muñoz industriously weeds a clearing in the forest and then digs several holes, where she and another four dozen women are planting plantain seedlings to help feed their families in this poor farming area in El Salvador.

The group is involved in an agroecology programme that has two main aims: achieving food sovereignty, which is at risk in the rural communities of San Julián; and fomenting the development of energy forests, which provide local families with sustainable energy and help mitigate the impact of climate change.

"The forest belongs to everyone, it gives us fruit and firewood for cooking," said Muñoz, 42. She is president of the Association of Communities for Development in the district of Los Lagartos in the municipality of San Julián, which is home to 19,000 people in the western province of Sonsonate.

These communities, and especially local farms, are hit hard by climate swings year after year, said Mercy Palacios of the Salvadoran Ecological Unit (Unes), a local environmental NGO. "During the drought, the crops are scorched, and during the rainy season, they are drowned," she said the day IPS accompanied the local women in their activities in the community forest.

Subsistence agriculture is the mainstay of the communities, where peasant farmers grow corn and beans on infertile hillsides, and the harvests are steadily declining due to climate phenomena.

El Salvador, and central America in general, suffers heavy rain in winter – the rainy season – which almost inevitably leaves a trail of destruction. In October, for example, the rains claimed 43 lives in the country and flooded 10% of the national territory. Rebuilding in central America in the wake of the October storms will cost $4.2bn (£2.6bn), according to estimates by the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean.

"We are suffering from climate extremes, something new that we have to adapt to," Palacios said.

"There are very poor families that subsist on what they get out of the forest," said Elsy Álvarez, a 37-year-old mother of two. "For example, they sell tangerines in the town, and get a 'cora' [quarter – 25 cents] for tortillas or to give to their kid when he goes to school."

Tired of losing the family harvest, the women in Los Lagartos decided to do something to ensure food sovereignty, and began to plant an energy forest. Food sovereignty refers to people's right to healthy and culturally appropriate food produced through ecologically sound and sustainable methods, and their right to define their own food and agriculture systems.

The idea came from Unes environmentalists who were working in the area, establishing an "agroschool" to teach the basic concepts of agroecology. But soon the local women made the idea their own. They have made it flourish – without financing.

The food sovereignty project encompasses a quarter of the 40 rural villages and communities in San Julián, a municipality 60km west of San Salvador. The project benefits about 50 families – 300 people – and the energy forest component will be expanded from Los Lagartos to other participating communities.

In Los Lagartos (population 5,000), the women work in their family gardens, where they grow vegetables with organic compost that they produce. They also use it in their plots of corn and beans, staples of the Salvadoran diet, and on fruit trees in the forest. The compost is helping to change planting techniques in favour of the environment. And the women plan to start selling their organic fertiliser, to earn funds for the project.

The forest is less than one hectare (2.5 acres), but it has a special importance for the women because they have managed to regain control over the area and replant it, after a sugar mill destroyed it 10 years ago to plant sugar cane.

"For 10 years we have been fighting for this forest," said Muñoz, a mother of four. When she and the rest of the women saw that the forest was being cut down, they complained to the authorities and managed to rescue a small part – but the damage was already done. So they began to replant. They planted avocado, mango and nance (golden spoon) trees. This year they began to grow plantains and trees that can be used for their wood.

"Now we don't let anyone cut down our forest," Álvarez said. "We exploit it ourselves, but only the dry branches and what is cut in the pruning process."

The concept of energy forests is not based on planting trees to cut them down later for lumber, but on their sustainable use, for instance by using dry branches as firewood and planting fruit trees. "A tree has a useful life expectancy, and the branches can be used as firewood, while maintaining its capacity to regenerate," Palacios said.

In this country of 6.1 million people, 25% use firewood for cooking, according to official figures. The poorest 10% of households spend more on firewood than on electricity, according to the 2010 United Nations Development Programme report on El Salvador. Consumption of firewood not only represents an important expense in family budgets, but many households also dedicate a significant proportion of their time to collecting it, the report says.

In El Salvador, 36.5% of the population live in poverty, and 11.2% in extreme poverty, according to official figures from 2010. But in rural areas, the poverty rate stands at 43.2%, and 15% live in extreme poverty.

Luis González, an environmentalist with Unes, said the Los Lagartos project falls under the concept of climate justice, which indicates that not every region, and not every population group within regions, is affected in the same way by global warming. "There are sectors that are more vulnerable than others, and different studies show that women are among the most heavily affected groups," he said. For example, he added, when drought dries up a water source, women suffer the stress of having to find a new source of water, further away from their homes.

A gender focus must be included in this kind of environmental project to give women a more decisive role, said Ima Guirola of the women's group Cemujer. In this part of the country, she said, women are taking the lead in efforts to adapt to and mitigate the effects of climate change. "The important thing is to see whether women are adopting technological tools and scientific knowhow on the environment, and whether they are participating in the decision-making involved in the project," she said.

Choose your offshore bank in haste, and you may end up regretting it

Moving overseas is a major upheaval for any family, and getting the finances right from the start is a key part of being able to settle into your new home as soon as possible. Yet many people will make a panic decision about which bank they want to use because they are about to be paid, and they could be left rueing that decision for months or even years to come.

Choosing an offshore bank as an expat is not simple – some people will prefer the comfort of choosing a name they know from home, which is effective as many banks are now global entities – while others would prefer to use a service that is part of the local economy, and provides good access to cash machines and other services that could be lacking from other providers.

When choosing your bank account, the first thing to consider is what you are using that account for. For example, are you intending to save money in the account, or do you need to make regular transactions from it? It may seem obvious, but you would ideally not use a single account to do both.

Current accounts are the day-to-day accounts that you use to pay bills and transfer money. Some will offer cheque books and cards, access to ATMs worldwide, and the ability to set up money transfers to make life easier. Some services do cost, however, so check the charges on like-for-like accounts before you make your decision.

An existing relationship in the UK with a bank that has an offshore arm, such as Barclays, HSBC or NatWest, can make it easier to open an account because of the history you have built up with that provider. But check what you are getting, because it won't necessarily offer you the services you need at, more importantly, the price you want.

If you are after a savings account, it is not as vital that the bank has a physical presence where you are. The interest payment you will receive is clearly a key driver to the particular account you choose, but it should not be the only thing. You need to look out for special introductory rates that may expire after six or 12 months, which can leave your interest looking the worse for wear.

By all means make the most of them while they are available, but remember to move your money when the introductory rate ends, so you are making the most of your offshore savings.

You also need to decide how long you can tie your money up for, as you can often get better rates on accounts that require a notice period. So if you are happy to give, say, 60, 90 or even 180 days' notice of a withdrawal, you will boost your interest payment. Penalties are charged, however, if you make a withdrawal without the notice period being completed, so try to stick to
the rules.

If you are travelling extensively for work or leisure, you may need to use a variety of currencies, and you can do this from the same account by choosing a multi-currency account. You can hold funds in a range of currencies, including sterling, dollars and euros.

Using these accounts effectively can reduce your costs when you need to move money around the world. You can also boost your earning potential thanks to the variations in exchange rates and interest applied on multi-currency accounts to the different currencies available.

Of course, an important thing to remember is that if you are subject to tax in the UK, you must declare any interest you receive to HM Revenue & Customs, as the taxman is clamping down on tax avoidance by expatriates.

It may seem easy to find a bank account, but it is easier to find the wrong one. There is a lot to consider, so be prepared to do your research carefully whether you have already left the UK, or plan to do so in the coming months.

Liechtenstein informs bank clients of U.S. tax evasion request

Liechtenstein, an Alpine country of 36,000 people, has told American clients of the principality’s oldest bank that U.S. authorities have requested their account data as they widen a tax-evasion probe.

Accounts at Liechtensteinische Landesbank AG (LLB) that contained at least $500,000 at any time since the beginning of 2004 are covered by the information request, according to a May 30 letter sent to a client by the principality’s tax authority. Liechtenstein facilitated the so-called group request from the U.S. by amending a tax law in March.

Liechtenstein’s second-biggest bank, also known as LLB, is one of 11 financial firms, including Credit Suisse Group AG (CSGN) and Julius Baer Group Ltd. (BAER), being investigated as part of a U.S. probe of offshore tax evasion. The stakes for Swiss banks were raised after the Department of Justice indicted Wegelin & Co. on Feb. 2 for allegedly helping customers hide money from the Internal Revenue Service.

“The motivation for the law is the Landesbank issue, which has accelerated the process,” said Mario Frick, a partner at Liechtenstein law firm Seeger, Frick & Partner. “For a certain period of time, it will be possible to make group requests to clean up the past and the issue of legacy assets.”

Landesbank, which had 48.1 billion Swiss francs ($50 billion) of assets under management at the end of 2011, confirmed it has received a group request via the Liechtenstein authorities, Cyrill Sele, a spokesman for the bank in Vaduz, said in an e-mailed response to questions.

“The ruling to extend the period of applicability back to the tax year 2001 in the administrative assistance law with the U.S. is limited to 12 months from the date it comes into force,” said Sele. It “is closely linked to the ongoing U.S. offshore voluntary disclosure program.”

Those affected by the U.S. request for information have the right to appeal, according to the letter.

In the Liechtenstein group request, U.S. authorities are also targeting lawyers, accountants, financial advisers, asset managers and those responsible for professional “asset protection,” who “conspired with a U.S. taxpayer to commit U.S. crimes or provided assistance,” according to the letter.

“It’s a sign that the U.S. is not just focused on Switzerland, but on all offshore jurisdictions with Singapore, Dubai and Hong Kong very much on the radar screen,” said Milan Patel, a partner at Zurich-based law firm Anaford AG. “This request appears to be much more expansive than the agreement with Switzerland and aims to get information on third parties.”

Swiss banks are seeking a settlement with the U.S. as Liechtenstein’s larger Alpine neighbor, the world’s biggest center for offshore wealth, tries to shed its image as a haven for undeclared assets. That may involve negotiating separate deferred prosecution agreements with U.S. authorities.

UBS AG, the biggest Swiss bank, avoided prosecution in 2009 by paying $780 million, admitting it fostered tax evasion and giving the IRS data on more than 250 accounts. It later turned over data on another 4,450 accounts. Before the UBS deferred- prosecution deal, U.S. prosecutors said the bank managed $20 billion in undeclared assets for American clients.

Landesbank declined to comment on whether the handover of account data under the group request would allow the bank to enter a deferred prosecution agreement.

Christof Buri, a spokesman for larger Liechtenstein rival LGT Group, which had 86.9 billion francs of assets under management at the end of last year, said the bank only has tax- compliant U.S. clients. The bank, owned by Liechtenstein’s princely family, declined to comment further.

Liechtenstein started to unwind secrecy after data stolen from LGT was used by Germany to prosecute tax evaders in 2008. Former Deutsche Post AG (DPW) Chief Executive Officer Klaus Zumwinkel was convicted of tax evasion and received a two-year suspended prison sentence plus a penalty of 1 million euros ($1.25 million).

Under pressure from the U.S., Germany and France, Liechtenstein said in March 2009 that it would conform with tax standards set out by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development to avoid being blacklisted as a tax haven.

Markus Amman, a spokesman for the Liechtenstein government, and Katja Gey, who helped negotiate a tax deal for the principality with the U.K., didn’t answer calls to their mobile phones.

“It’s only a question of time, say three to five years, when this type of group request will become standard for future business,” said lawyer Frick. “Liechtenstein is a small country that has had a reputation for not cooperating in the field of tax and that’s something that has to change. We have to find new areas of business.”

Sunday, June 10, 2012

Locusts threaten beleaguered Mali

Mali is bracing for an invasion of locusts as unrest in north and west Africa hampers efforts to control the crop-ravaging insects. Locust sightings have been reported in northern Mali, where families are already hard-hit by conflict and food insecurity, and where equipment used to control the swarms has been looted by armed groups.

As desert locusts approach northern Mali and neighboring Niger, national experts in Mali, who normally work on mitigating the impact, are hamstrung by unrest and a lack of access and equipment.

As of June 8, the Food and Agriculture Organization - the U.N. agency that monitors locust movements - classified Mali as a zone where surveillance and control “must be undertaken” where crops are threatened.

Oumar Traoré, head technician with Mali’s locust control center, which normally would carry out that surveillance and control, says most of the national center’s equipment was stocked in a warehouse in the northern town of Gao and everything was stolen when armed groups seized northern Mali.

When the groups swept into the region just over two months ago, they looted government buildings, hospitals, and the offices and warehouses of national and international aid organizations.

Most families in Mali’s extreme north depend on livestock, and locust swarms would destroy pastures that feed their animals.

Traoré says the worry now is that the insects could quickly advance farther south, where people live off farming.

As areas dry up, locusts move on and seek vegetation. Keith Cressman, the FAO’s senior locust forecasting officer, said sporadic rains in northern Niger and Mali could affect how the swarms behave.

"Of course not all areas have received these rains so there are areas in the north of both countries that are dry. So the locusts could overfly those areas and continue as far south as they can before they hit the southerly headwinds, Cressman explained, "but it could put them into the agricultural zones of the central parts of Mali and central and southern parts of Niger. The time they would be arriving would coincide with the planting of this year’s crops and we already know that in both countries [people] are very vulnerable this year to food insecurity because of last year’s poor harvest."

The U.N. World Food Program says that drought in the region has left millions of people hungry. The agency says the conflict in Mali has forced at least 300,000 people to flee, adding to the food crisis there and in surrounding countries.

The desert locust swarms threatening Mali and Niger are coming from Algeria and Libya to the north.

Cressman told VOA that normally locust control teams would be able to control the insects along the Algeria-Libya border, but given events over the past several months that has not been the case.

"Algeria made an estimate, saying that of the potential areas that are infested with desert locusts, the ground teams could only reach 15 percent of those areas, so that means 85 percent of the areas were unsurveyed and untreated," he said.

Cressman said the situation is likely similar on the Libyan side.

FAO says a small portion of an average swarm - about one ton of locusts - eats as much food in one day as 10 elephants or 2,500 people.

Mastro mystery: Aging ex-magnate nears 1 year on the lam

Michael R. Mastro celebrated his 87th birthday Friday.

The big question, of course, is — where?

It's been nearly a year since the onetime Seattle real-estate magnate and his wife, Linda, moved out of the $2 million house they had been renting in Palm Desert, Calif., and headed for parts unknown.

The couple left June 23, days after the judge in Mastro's massive bankruptcy case ordered them to turn over two giant diamond rings valued at $1.4 million. They officially became fugitives a month later when warrants were signed for their arrest.

But they remain at large, and there are just two plausible explanations:

Either federal authorities don't know where the Mastros are — or they do know, but haven't moved to apprehend the couple yet because legal complications stand in the way.

Denny Behrend, a retired deputy U.S. marshal, suspects it's the latter. His former colleagues in the Marshals Service are very good at finding people who don't want to be found, he says, but extracting fugitives from other countries can be legally tricky.

"I'd bet they're just putting all their ducks in line so that when they do move in, it'll go smoothly," says Behrend, now vice president of Lacey OMalley Bail Bonds in Seattle.

Mark Ericks, U.S. marshal for Western Washington, won't say if Behrend is right. The U.S. Attorney's Office in Seattle won't say anything about the Mastros.

But all this silence hasn't halted rampant speculation about the couple's whereabouts.

"I was at a charity event recently and I had people come up to me and swear they'd seen Mike and Linda in South America, or Europe, or Canada, or Sun Valley," says James Frush, Mastro's lawyer. "It was ridiculous."

Frush won't say whether he's been in contact with his client-on-the-lam. When he's asked if he knows where the Mastros are, he jokes about one of their favorite restaurants.

"I tell people they're in the wine cellar at Canlis," Frush says.

Michael Mastro was a longtime and prolific real-estate developer and lender whose website alluded to his "billion-dollar career." But his highly leveraged empire fell apart when the market tanked.

Three lenders pushed Mastro into bankruptcy in 2009. The most recent estimate of his debt to unsecured creditors is $250 million, and court-appointed trustee James Rigby has said those creditors will be lucky to get back more than a few pennies on the dollar.

In the Mastros' absence, the $5,000-a-day fine that Bankruptcy Judge Marc Barreca imposed to persuade them to turn over the rings has continued to accrue. It now totals more than $1.5 million.

Ericks, the U.S. marshal, revealed last September that his agency had tracked the Mastros to an apartment in Canada in August — only to find they had left a day or two before.

If they are in another country, marshals can't bring them back without that nation's cooperation. And some countries are more cooperative than others.

About 70 — from Russia and China to Afghanistan and Somalia — don't even have extradition treaties with the U.S. But Douglas McNabb, a Washington, D.C., criminal-defense attorney who specializes in international extradition, says those nations hold little appeal for most fugitives.

"Any country that you could go to without an extradition treaty — they wouldn't want to live there," he says.

Extradition can be challenging even in countries with treaties, however.

For one, there's no indication the Mastros have been charged with a crime. Barreca issued the arrest warrants for them last July for contempt of court, a civil violation.

Extraditing someone on that basis is difficult, if not impossible, experts agree.

"They're not going to get to extradite him on a civil matter," says Jacques Semmelman, a New York lawyer and international extradition expert. "There has to be a crime."

John Strait, who teaches criminal law at Seattle University, agrees. "There might be some ways you could do it," he says, "but it wouldn't be easy, and it would take a lot of time."

Mastro is the subject of a federal criminal investigation. While the U.S. Attorney's Office in Seattle won't confirm it, Frush acknowledged the probe more than two years ago. It's still under way, lawyers for a Mastro associate who also is under investigation said last month in court documents.

If federal marshals know where the Mastros are, they could be waiting for a grand-jury indictment before they move to apprehend the couple. That would make extradition much easier, experts agree.

But they also say it's possible a sealed indictment already has been issued that hasn't been made public for fear of pushing the Mastros further underground. There could be new arrest warrants — also sealed — based on that indictment, they add.

McNabb suspects that's what has happened. The Marshals Service probably wouldn't have been pursuing the Mastros in Canada last year with warrants based only on a contempt citation, he says.

If Mastro has been — or will be — indicted, the government's success in extraditing him could hinge on exactly what the charges against him are.

One likely possibility is bankruptcy fraud — hiding assets from creditors. Rigby filed a civil suit accusing Mastro of that, and Barreca ruled in the trustee's favor last fall.

Experts differ on how easy it would be to extradite Mastro to be tried for that offense.

Some extradition treaties list specific crimes for which other countries will turn over a fugitive American to U.S. authorities. Other treaties are more general, authorizing extradition if the offense with which the American is charged also is a crime in that country.

Bankruptcy fraud is recognized as a crime almost universally, says Strait — if not by that name, then as a form of "theft by deception." Semmelman agrees.

But McNabb says it's not always that clear-cut.

One example: While Brazil's treaty with the U.S. authorizes extradition for "crimes or offenses against the bankruptcy laws," that country's Supreme Court declined in 1999 to extradite an American charged with bankruptcy fraud.

If foreign authorities balk at extraditing Mastro for that offense, McNabb says, the hurdle might be overcome by also charging him with other, possibly related crimes: perjury, mail fraud or wire fraud, for instance.

Tax fraud is another possibility. Internal Revenue Service agents, as well as FBI agents, interviewed Mastro associates last summer, Frush says. One Mastro associate, Bellevue developer Winstron Bontrager, was indicted in March for tax fraud, including concealing income from a real-estate deal in which Mastro was involved.

But the people who know what charges Mastro may — or does — face aren't talking.

"You're trying to read the tea leaves," says Frush, "but the tea is just too murky."

There are a few shards of new information about the search for the Mastros that only raise more questions:

• In January, the Mastros' Bentley, Chihuly glass pieces and other household goods were auctioned off in Palm Desert. Auctioneer Tim Murphy observed a large number of hits on the auction website from Italy, and he speculated the Mastros might be staying there.

Murphy said recently that he allowed the FBI to burrow into his firm's computers to try to learn more, but he understands they hit a dead end. The FBI also asked for a list of people registered for the auction, he said.

• Last November, after Barreca ruled that Linda Mastro, now 62, owed her husband's creditors more than $1.3 million, her lawyer, Michael Gossler, filed an appeal on her behalf.

Did she authorize it? Gossler won't discuss whether he's been in contact with his client. Frush says Gossler could be acting in what he considers Linda Mastro's interests without communicating with her.

The last person who publicly acknowledged speaking with the Mastros was Gloria Plischke, Michael's sister. She said last September that he had phoned her several times. (Plischke couldn't be reached for comment for this story.)

Behrend, the retired marshal, says the Mastros almost certainly aren't communicating with family or friends now. They're probably living under assumed names, he says, and paying for everything with cash.

But "the Mastros are really not fugitive-type people," he says. "And being a fugitive is really hard work."

Authorities could be negotiating with the country where the couple are staying to extradite or deport them, Behrend says. Or marshals could be trying to lure the Mastros to a country where extradition might be easier.

Few fugitives remain at large this long, says Frush, a former federal prosecutor: They can't withstand the tug of home, family and friends.

"But once those ties are cut, at a certain point your life changes so much that you escape that pull," he says.

Ericks, the U.S. marshal, won't respond to all this speculation. "There's just things I can't talk about," he says.

"Just know that if we have the authority to get him, we're going to get him."

Saturday, June 9, 2012

Cube Capital enters Myanmar

Cube Capital is believed to be the first western asset manager to launch a fund investing in Myanmar since the easing of economic sanctions on the south-east Asian state.

The London-based alternatives group, with $1.3bn under management, last week launched the Cube Asia Frontier Fund, which will invest in real estate in Myanmar, Mongolia and Vietnam.

Myanmar was off limits to western investors until April this year, due to sanctions imposed in the 1990s. Those sanctions are now being eased or suspended following progress by Myanmar’s military leaders towards democracy, clearing the way for foreign investors to seek exposure to economic growth estimated by the Asian Development Bank to reach 6 per cent this year.

Tom Holland, managing partner of Cube Capital Asia, said Cube would be working with local companies in each of the countries it is targeting.

In Myanmar, Cube is partnering with SPA (Serge Pun and Associates), an arm of Singapore-listed Yoma Strategic Holdings, which has until recently been one of the few ways for western investors to access Myanmar. Cube already has experience of real estate private equity deals in Mongolia, Vietnam and Myanmar. In Myanmar it is in the process of exiting a residential development aimed at Yangon’s upper middle class. The deal was struck on a private basis for a family office.

Its initial pipeline of projects is focused on “cleaning up the past”, said Mr Holland, with Cube seeking approval to finance developments that had been mothballed after running out of money.

Cube aims to raise $150m for the closed-ended fund, which is targeting an investment period of about two years and a “harvest” period of five years. The target minimum investment is $5m. The Cayman Islands-based fund has a 2 per cent management fee and a 20 per cent performance fee with an 8 per cent hurdle rate.

This kind of distressed project financing is typical of the kind of deal Cube invests in, but it also involves itself in “greenfield” developments such as CentrePoint in Vietnam, for which it put up 90 per cent of the equity.

Despite the excitement about Myanmar, Mr Holland said Cube’s experience of operating in frontier markets had been behind the decision to avoid setting up a single country fund. The multi-country approach means the fund will be less vulnerable to sudden policy reversals or other events in any of the target markets.

The fund will invest no more than 50 per cent in any one country and no more than 25 per cent in any one real estate deal. Cube uses offshore structures where possible, or otherwise foreign investment channels where foreign exchange has been approved.

Under British administration Myanmar, or Burma, was one of the wealthiest nations in south-east Asia and the world’s largest exporter of rice. It is now one of the poorest nations in the region despite being rich in oil, gas, timber and other resources.

China's crashing the party as police put expats in their sights

It was a Thursday, 11pm, and the parties were getting started at the nightspots popular with expatriates on Yongfu Road, in Shanghai's trendy former French Concession. Then, at upmarket bar The Apartment, the police arrived, about 50 of them. The party stalled. They blocked the exits to the four-storey colonial era building, cut the music and ordered the lights be switched on.

The raid was part of a 100-day crackdown, purportedly on foreigner visa violations, launched weeks earlier in Beijing that has left a bitter taste among many young foreigners here, and raised questions about possible political motives behind it.

A Dutch resident who witnessed the raid on The Apartment said police demanded passports from all patrons and recorded passport and visa numbers.

Those without passports or copies of identity documents or who had invalid visas were detained.

The Dutch patron, an employee of a multinational company in Shanghai who asked not to be named, says he avoided detention with a discreet bribe, the equivalent of about $47.

Others were not so lucky. "I saw at least 12 foreigners in the back of a police van,'' he said. "The door was closed and the van drove away."

Neighbouring nightclubs were also raided that night two weeks ago, but within an hour The Apartment was open again. This weekend it is advertising four nights of parties to celebrate its second anniversary.

Bar owners interviewed by The Sunday Age were reluctant to be identified, not wanting to draw attention to themselves. But one said the incident was unprecedented in his more than a decade in Shanghai's entertainment industry. Business was down on subsequent nights.

Some linked the raid to a viral video of a British man apparently committing a sexual assault on a Chinese woman in Beijing. Within 24 hours of being posted last month, the video had been viewed more than 3 million times on China's equivalent of Twitter, Sina Weibo. It attracted more than 50,000 comments, many of them distinctly anti-foreigner.

"Suddenly the government launches a crackdown on all laowai [foreigners] like we are some sort of plague," said one online post by an expatriate in Shanghai.

The crackdown, which was announced in China's state-controlled media on May 15, officially targets foreigners living or working in China illegally.

Expat unease worsened after a xenophobic online rant by Yang Rui, a prominent TV host on CCTV 9.

Rui lauded the campaign to protect "innocent girls" from "foreign trash", "thugs" and "spies", and described recently expelled al-Jazeera English correspondent Melissa Chan as a "foreign bitch".

Rui received no official reprimand for the post, which was also published on CCTV's website.

The crackdown started in Beijing, prompting a bitter reaction from some foreigners who have lived in the city for years and see it as home.

American media worker Jacob Trent told CNN he was pulled off his bike by police who demanded his papers.

''I have been living here for a decade and yet I still get treated like - and sometimes called - a foreign barbarian,'' Trent said.

British expat David Park told CNN: ''I have noticed a change in how I am treated. It has gone from curiosity to hostility.''

The Shanghai raids were played down in the local media.

The Global Times reported a police denial of any raid and quoted a manager from The Apartment stating the club was merely visited by four officers who asked them to keep the noise down.

But The Sunday Age has established that exclusive Shanghai nightclub and restaurant M1NT, whose founder and CEO Alistair Paton is Australian, was raided two weeks before The Apartment raid. Four foreign staff and four patrons were found without documents, detained and later released once valid papers were provided.

The crackdown is taking place against a backdrop of political uncertainty.

The scandal involving the downfall of Chongqing Communist Party chief Bo Xilai, a slowing economy, rampant corruption, domestic food safety concerns and the widening gulf between rich and poor is causing unease within party ranks and the general populace.

There is a feeling among some foreigners that the visa campaign serves not only to whip up nationalist fervour, but to distract from more pressing problems.

Unlike some other Asian nations, foreign residents in China mostly apply for yearly visa extensions. Many expatriates in Shanghai consider it their home, but live under a cloud of uncertainty.

For this reason, there is reluctance among foreigners to openly discuss sensitive issues. The Australian owner of a successful Shanghai company said: "We run a legitimate business and follow the system, but things can change in an instant here."

Hacking group Anonymous takes on India's internet censorship

Mumbai's Azad Maidan sports ground is often packed with children playing cricket, but the bowlers and batsmen were joined on Saturday by a sea of Guy Fawkes masks.

The costumes are a hallmark of the internet "hacktivist" group Anonymous which organised a series of protests in Indian cities, including Mumbai.

"I'm here for internet freedom. There's restrictions on speaking online. That's why I'm here," says 19-year-old Amisha, a student who was one of around 100 protesters in Mumbai.

Holding banners calling for freedom from censorship, the group were protesting against India's internet laws.

"India is following China and Iran. They don't want the right information to reach people," said 20-year-old student Nishant, whose face was hidden behind a scarf and sunglasses.

"There are some sites they've blocked for information which is relevant to us. Information which is useful to us as citizens of this country," he added.

Speaking to the BBC via their internet chatroom, members of Anonymous India said they were representing the "common man" and were simply ordinary internet users trying to make a point.

Anonymous India organised its Occupy campaign against what it believes is the unfair blocking and banning of file sharing sites by Indian internet service providers (ISPs) such as Reliance Communications and Airtel.

"We are protesting arbitrary, extra-judicial censorship, where not even the government knows - or cares - who controls what," said @anamikanon from Anonymous on the group's chatroom.

Last month a number of Indian ISPs blocked access to file-sharing sites including Vimeo, Pastebin, Piratebay and Dailymotion following a court order which centred on the issue of internet copyright.

A Chennai-based film company, Copyrightlabs, called on big Indian ISPs, including Reliance Communications, MTNL and BSNL, to prevent access to websites which allowed users to illegally watch two of their Bollywood movies, Three and Dhammu.

The court order, known as an Ashok Kumar order, is like a John Doe order in the United States - designed to protect the copyright of music, films and other content.

The blocking of access to file-sharing and torrent websites prompted Anonymous India to hack into more than 15 sites, including the Indian Supreme Court, two political parties and the Indian telecoms providers.

The group carried out a number of "Denial of Service" (DDOS) attacks, which can temporarily suspend connection to a site.

It also claims it was able to enter the servers of Reliance Communications, and in a press conference in May, presented a list of the file sharing sites it alleges the ISP had restricted access to.

Reliance Communications refused to comment on claims they are restricting access to sites, but pointed the BBC to a statement from 26 May, in which the company said it had the "strongest possible IT security to tackle unwarranted intrusions," adding that their servers could not be hacked.

Anonymous says it is not supporting piracy, but that many file-sharing sites are used in a perfectly legitimate way, for example to share photos or software code.

"File sharing is the lifeline of the internet, that's why it came into being", said tomgeorge, also from Anonymous, via the chatroom.

The group is also protesting against Indian government IT regulations that came into effect last year, which force websites to remove objectionable posts within hours of receiving a complaint.

Members of Anonymous say they will continue their actions until restrictions are lifted.

"The government can't stop piracy in a country by just banning sites. This is a country where you have people selling pirated CDs on trains in streets... it is actually too much to expect," says Anon3x3Kalki, another member of the group.

The disgraceful anti-Ghana policy of Lufthansa

On June 7th three Ghanaian entrepreneurs travelling on the same reservation were stopped from boarding flight LH567 by vetting staff employed by Lufthansa to screen the immigration documents of passengers.

 The Lufthansa agents insisted that the passengers required “Transit A visas” to travel through Frankfurt to their final destination outside the European Union. None of the travelling Ghanaian passengers had such a transit visa.

One of them was in possession of a valid resident permit for the United States (however, though the endorsement was in his passport, the associated plastic card was not), another had a permit for the UK, and all three of them had full authorisation to enter their final destination which was not in the European Union.

In the circumstances, the screening agents refused boarding to one traveller because he did not have the plastic card detailing the US residence permit endorsed in his passport, and to another because he did not have a current UK, Schengen or UK travel or residence permit. Since the party was travelling together on the same reservation, the three passengers demanded equal treatment, at which point the agents proceeded to formally issue a boarding denial notice to all three of them and went further to photocopy and file copies of their passports without their consent.

The intriguing fact is that at 2pm of the same day that the flight was scheduled to depart Ghana (at 9:05 pm), the travelling party had called the German Embassy and had been put in touch with the officer directly responsible for visa management. They had been fully assured that it was the position of the German authorities to relax transit visa requirements for Ghanaian passport holders travelling through Germany directly to their final destinations, provided they had authorisation to enter the destination country.

Indeed a detailed search of the embassy’s website provides no “transit A” visa requirements and procedures.

It is also noteworthy to point out that except with boarded passengers, agents of an airline purporting to screen passengers for immigration compliance purposes have no authority to retain the passports of Ghanaian citizens and subject such passports to any procedures beyond processing for boarding, and certainly not without the consent and against the express wish of such citizens. The Sovereign Ghanaian passport remains the property of the Government of Ghana and should serve to facilitate the passage of Ghanaian citizens within international covenants and conventions.

Due to the pressing nature of the business the three gentlemen were travelling to pursue, it was finally agreed that the member of the party with the valid UK travel permit should still board and travel with the view of salvaging part of the joint travel objective of the party.

When this gentleman arrived at Frankfurt Airport, he proceeded directly to German Immigration Police to inquire about this situation and was once again assured of the absence of any policy requiring transit “A” visas, or indeed any transit visas, for Ghanaians travelling directly, airside, through the airport to final destinations outside the EU. Indeed, it will be noticed that the airport is physically designed in such a manner that airside transits do not require formal immigration screening, except where the transit itself would facilitate access to the Schengen area.

Clearly, the policy to deny boarding to the party of three entrepreneurs is an entrenched Lufthansa strategy that has probably been used to burden, block and wantonly discriminate against many Ghanaians travelling or seeking to travel on important matters over a long period of time.

Clearly, this policy is both unethical and illegal, and is not grounded in updated research into immigration matters, or any care and attention to Lufthansa’s duty to its Ghanaian clientele. If anything at all, Lufthansa regards Ghanaian customers as undeserving of the care and attention its own stated principles require that it dispenses to all its global customers. It is consequently anti-Ghana and disgracefully so.

The airline refused initially to allow a senior staffer to address the legitimate concerns of the travelling party before finally relenting and initiating a phone conversation with someone who claimed to be the “Manageress” of the airline in Ghana. She was rude and unresponsive, and claimed to take her instructions in immigration matters from a “Hubert” based at the German embassy whose designation and role she was categorically unwilling to disclose. Despite several attempts to explain to said “manageress” that her position was at best disputable, she maintained an unreasonable posture against dialogue and compromise.

This is an important matter for the Ghanaian authorities to investigate. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ghana Civil Aviation Authority and the Ghana Airports Company should reassure themselves that Lufthansa does not have a determined policy to frustrate Ghanaians pursuing travel for legitimate, and in many cases nation-enhancing, objectives.

If the airline has adopted an extreme risk-management attitude to immigration in furtherance of its own legal comfort, Ghanaians cannot be made the butt of such a retrogressive and discriminatory agenda in their own country, and our authorities should ensure that such a thing does not happen. It is perhaps the case that the airline perceives Ghanaians to constitute such a serious immigration liability (i.e. every Ghanaian is looking for a chance to breach European immigration law) that it feels compelled to institute and enforce extreme measures, we are afraid that such latitude is not granted under Ghanaian law in view of this country’s cherished human rights culture. Lufthansa cannot abuse Ghanaians to safeguard its prejudices. It cannot make its own, ad hoc, immigration policies in wanton disregard of law, ethics and public policy. And at any rate it does not appear to have the support of the German authorities to do this in their name.

Friday, June 8, 2012

Land reforms: Food sovereignty should trump food security, say speakers

Participants in a land ownership forum on Monday underlined the need for equal distribution of land rather than land reforms and ensuring food sovereignty rather than food security in the country.

They pointed out that due to the corporatisation of farming and gifts of land to foreigners, not only food security, but also food sovereignty is at stake.

The national consultation on land reforms was organised by Pakistan Mazdoor Tehrik (PKMT) and Roots for Equity.

The participants expressed concern that the masses of the country are facing issues like food insecurity and malnutrition while the government continues to give irrigated lands away to foreigners.

Speakers pinpointed that the strong nexus of the military-bureaucracy-feudal troika is the key impediment in the way of land reforms. It was underlined that without breaking the influence of this troika, not only land reforms, but even real democracy could not come as the feudal overlords have always remained instrumental to the survival of the established government. It was also highlighted that lands are given freely to generals, bureaucrats, cricketers and actors, instead of to farmers and peasants, who are the real owners.

PKMT National Coordinator Ali Akber felt food sovereignty instead of food security should be a basic pillar of the agriculture development framework.

The PKMT member pointed out that 2013 is an election year and it is important that political parties ensure that land reforms be made a key part of their manifestoes.

Speaking on the occasion, Roots for Equity Executive Director Dr Azra Talat said that 50 per cent of the total irrigated land is owned by only four per cent of landlords, which causes frustration and underuse of the land.

She said there is a need for a new line of action to launch an effective peasant movement to stop the corporate land grab strategy and push for equal distribution of land.

She felt that a consensus approach has led to the equal distribution of land becoming a more important issue than land reforms.

She pointed out that the Sindh Agriculture minister has himself given 3,200 acres of land to foreigners for corporate farming and the entire population of the area has been displaced. “Our lands are given to foreigners, leaving our own people homeless and jobless,” she added.

Ali Hassan Chandio, a nationalist from Sindh, said land reforms are not possible in Pakistan while the troika endures. He said that there is a need for a strong movement against this troika to force land reforms and land redistribution.

He added that the new trend of corporation farming has displaced many peasants and crops were sent abroad, which is endangering the nation's food security. “Land should be redistributed among farmers and peasants… corporate farming is the new face of feudalism”, he maintained.

Pakistan Business Review Chief Editor Dr Shahida Wazarat also advocated land reforms. “There will be adverse affects on food security if corporate farming continues in future,” she opined.

Family planning and subsistence agriculture key to food security

Papua New Guinea’s high fertility rate is exerting pressure on land and food production in a country where 80 percent of the population lives in rural communities. But the National Agricultural Research Institute (NARI) argues that traditions of subsistence agriculture provide a firm foundation to build food security for a growing population.

Papua New Guinea, a fertile island nation in the South Pacific, is a natural habitat for diverse food crops and wild plants. Most people in rural and peri-urban areas grow their own fruit and vegetables for consumption, while in rural villages selling agricultural produce can be a significant source of income.

According to the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO), the nation’s strong agricultural sector could easily ensure food security, with agricultural exports of 882 million dollars exceeding imports of 425 million dollars. Furthermore, the country has an agricultural labour force of five million, out of a population of 6.9 million people.

However, Sim Sar, programme director of agricultural systems improvement at NARI, warns, "Food production is not keeping pace with population growth. Approximately 42 percent of the population in rural and urban areas are unable to meet a target food energy requirement of 2000 calories per person per day."

The fertility rate in Papua New Guinea is 4.6 children per woman, according to the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), compared to the average fertility rate in developed countries of 1.7 births per woman. The National Research Institute (NRI) predicts the current population could rise to seven million by 2014 and 8.5 million by 2024.

Attaining food security will entail addressing both population growth and agricultural productivity.

The UNFPA’s 2011 State of World Population Report emphasises, "In many parts of the developing world, where population growth is outpacing economic growth, the need for reproductive health services, especially family planning, remains great."

Contraceptive prevalence in Papua New Guinea is 24 percent, while the regional range in the Pacific Islands is 20.5-46.1 percent, lagging well behind the 62 percent average in all other developing countries.

Distant rural communities and under-resourced rural health centres are obstacles to the dissemination of family planning materials and services.

Russel Kitau, Chair of Public Health at the University of Papua New Guinea, believes too many people ask, "Why should the government stop (us) from having many children? Who is going to take care of (us) when we get old? Is it the government?"

"Another (obstacle) is the fear that the side effects of contraception might cause cancer," he continued, adding that some people believe women’s use of contraceptives could encourage infidelity.

Through the National Health Plan (2011-2020), the government aims to expand free family planning coverage and improve sexual and reproductive health for adolescents.

"We are doing our best to train our health workers to go back to the health centres and implement the family planning programme," Kitau explained. "But funding for family planning is very low compared with programmes for (prevention and treatment of) HIV/AIDS. The small amount of donations and funding from development partners is not sufficient or sustainable in the long run."

A large and growing population will be a reality for years to come in Papua New Guinea and Sar believes the agricultural sector must be at the centre of strategies to ensure sustainable nutritious food supplies.

"Agriculture in PNG is the primary source of food security," he explained. "Hence the key strategy to attain food security is the enhancement of productivity, efficiency and stability of agricultural production systems."

A socio-economic farmer survey conducted by the Fresh Produce Development Agency, which is tasked with developing a sustainable and commercially viable horticulture industry, reported that farmers grow an average of 4.7 commonly cultivated crops for sale, including sweet potatoes, bananas, tomatoes, taro, peanuts, beans, corn, carrots, cabbage, broccoli, cassava, cucumbers and pawpaws.

When questioned about challenges to productivity, 65 percent of growers identified pests and diseases, 32 percent cited the high price or shortage of fertilisers and seeds, while 22 percent blamed bad weather.

In order to boost production of local foods, as well as conserve crop diversity, NARI has released 27 new farming technologies since 2003. These include high yielding and disease tolerant banana varieties; drought tolerant sweet potatoes; upland rice varieties; improved peanut production methods; pest control technology packages for bananas; methods of controlling taro beetle with insecticides; and drought coping strategies.

Land is central to agricultural productivity and sustaining lives in the developing world, especially when, in times of poverty, people turn to land-based resources for sustenance. Most land in Papua New Guinea is held under customary tenure and has not been surveyed or registered, so there are disputes over land access and rights.

According to the NRI, land registration and secure land titles encourage efficient land-use, provide access to competitively priced credit and create incentives for investment, thereby enhancing agricultural productivity.

Land registration would also allow for easier and more robust exchanges of land between parties, thereby making land which is not being utilised accessible to those who need it.

"Though 80-90 percent of land is under customary tenure, not everyone has access to land due to uneven distribution (among) clan members, migration and death," Sar added. "Hence the number of landless people is increasing, particularly those residing in urban areas or those in marginalised and disadvantaged areas."

Only by investing now in family planning, agriculture and land reform will Papua New Guinea ensure a sustainable future for the next generation.

Delivering diesel in paradise

The Marquesas Islands are at one of the ends of the Earth. A verdant archipelago of dilapidated volcanoes shooting from the blue of the South Pacific, they are as distant from a continental landmass as it’s possible to go.

I reached them by sea from Tahiti, already one of the world’s remotest islands. The Marquesas are three days further on. They are also one of the most transcendentally beautiful places I have seen.

Yet it was a peculiarly hybrid experience. I was in French Polynesia, which is neither quite French nor Polynesian, and on a cruise that is not a cruise. On the day we made a tourist pilgrimage to the grave of the painter Paul Gauguin we spent the afternoon delivering drums of diesel oil and massive sacks of gravel.

A handful of conventional cruises calls at the bigger Marquesan islands, which also have airstrips, and some intrepid yachtsmen make the journey. But my ship, the Aranui 3, is the islands’ supply ship, the only regular passenger vessel and the only one calling at all six inhabited Marquesas. And she sails only 16 times a year. It’s one of the world’s great voyages.

Aranui is two-thirds freighter, one-third cruise ship, in disposition as well as design. Forward of the bridge, beneath the giraffe-like jibs of two big cranes, are the cargo holds. In the stern are eight decks of passenger space – cabins for 200 (including a dozen suites with balconies), restaurant, lounge, video room, library, bar, swimming pool, shop and doctor’s surgery. That list may make it sound like Cunard but this is a utilitarian version of a cruise ship, stripped of trimmings such as brass, teak and art collections. Here the handrails are steel, the decks laid with blue plastic mats and in the stairwell a poster illustrating fish of the southern seas hangs next to a diagram of the ship’s firefighting systems.

Don’t join Aranui expecting Seabourn-style luxury. The priority is cargo, uncompromisingly so in some respects. There are few sunbeds, limited laundry, unless you do it yourself, and no stabilisers. Without them, a 7,400-ton supply ship in a heavy swell behaves like a slow-motion rodeo ride.

Maritime tradition here has nothing to do with gold braid and shiny buttons. None of the crew wore uniform when the officers, all Polynesians, were formally introduced at the start of the two-week voyage: all were in shorts, some wore flip-flops and the captain was in T-shirt and trainers. Don’t be deceived. Aranui’s sailors owe their existence to the great Polynesian diaspora when their ancestors settled the Pacific with canoes. These men come from as long a line of seafarers as any in the world and some of the most remarkable navigators in history. For what it’s worth, the lifeboat drill was more thorough than any I have previously experienced.

Service, which is pretty much confined to the dining room, makes up in smiles what it lacks in polish. Though the set menu meals brook no choice, they are both varied and surprisingly sophisticated, French in style and sauces. Wine is complimentary.

Such is the character of a working ship, though unlike pure cargo ships Aranui does not simply leave her passengers to get on with it. She has her “cruisey” side. There were lectures (on Gauguin), classes in the ukulele and Polynesian dance, and a Polynesian night of music, dancing and a buffet on the open deck. Guides, English-speaking as well as French, accompany all the shore excursions.

Two stops at atolls in the Tuamotu islands are made solely for passengers, to provide intervals in the long sea passages between Tahiti and the Marquesas. The first was at Fakarava, whose atolls appear as a series of divots, their windswept bush worn short as the bristles of an old broom. They enclose an immense lagoon. We stepped aboard Aranui’s two 40-seat barges – they look like aluminium landing craft – and came ashore at Rotoava, the biggest village. It was Sunday and raining, so we went to mass. For those who had come straight to the ship without spending time in Papeete, Tahiti’s capital, it was a subtle introduction to French Polynesia, an amalgam of South Pacific and south of France. The whitewashed church, with Provençal blue shutters at its lancet windows, crouched beneath a dinky spire and a spreading roof of red tin. Inside, guitars and keyboard accompanied the familiar cadences of western hymns sung in the gutsy arpeggios of the South Pacific.

The Tuamotus provide interludes for swimming and snorkelling off white coral beaches, which are non-existent in the volcanic Marquesas. Their derelict caldera, topped with dollops of cumulus, burst sheer from the sea in great blades of rock up to 850m high. It’s the classic scenery of the South Pacific; Richard Rodgers set it to music and called it “Bali Ha’i”.

These are places of such iridescent beauty they are impervious to description. But if you imagine lands as green as Ireland erupted into violent mountains set in a sea of kingfisher blue, and then multiply those greens and blues by 50 variegations; if you gouge those mountains with deep valleys and crimp their coasts with bays; if you whittle their crags into pinnacles and slant their flanks with buttresses; if you shrink wrap them in pelts of vegetation so lush it furs their shapes, and if you can conceive of being surrounded by an infinite horizon, you are half-way there. It’s like sailing through God’s rockery.

Each island is different but they have characteristics in common. Villages are fitted into valleys or, rather, the most habitable crevices in the mountains, and canopied with trees, palm, mango, grapefruit and guava. Grounds are found for a school and games field; a generator sited out of earshot. Church spires and satellite dishes point to the heavens, jetties to the horizon.

They are unmistakably French – an overseas territory, or pays d’outre-mer – with gendarmes, yellow mailboxes, French election posters and boulangeries from which women emerge bearing armfuls of baguettes. They have even retained their own franc, with banknotes the size of postcards. But something else the islands have in common is their growing sense of being Polynesian. Disease and the South American slave trade eradicated the original Marquesans; missionaries and colonialism suppressed any expression of ethnicity for years. The Marquesan language, which is different to Tahitian, was not taught in schools; singing, dancing and tattoos were banned at the end of the 19th century.

On this voyage, resurgent Polynesian pride took different forms. On Fatu Hiva, the remotest of the islands, and arguably the most mesmerisingly lovely, it was the making of tapa, the fibrous “cloth” beaten from tree bark. The demonstration was by a woman in a lilac pareo (wraparound skirt) and wide-brimmed hat decorated with chicken feathers. She sat in the shade of a lychee tree, her legs tucked to one side like a figure in a Gauguin painting, bashing a strip of mulberry bark with an ironwood mallet. On Ua Pou, it was a dance troupe performing under noni trees.

The juice of the noni, a lumpy, sallow, unpleasant tasting fruit, is sold in the US as a health drink rich in antioxidants. Aranui collected it in tall blue barrels. Along with sacks of copra, dried coconut meat, noni is the islands’ main export.

On Hiva Oa, it was archaeology. Puamau is where the largest tiki statue in French Polynesia, 2.4m tall, stands on the restored terraces of a marae, a sacred site, that has its origins in a 16th-century tribal war. The mana, or spiritual energy, is still powerful. It had been raining and the forest was dark. The tiki, shoulders hunched, seemed to be advancing warily out of the woods.

Gauguin is buried on Hiva Oa, on a hillside above Atuona, once the islands’ capital. We were taken to his grave in les Trucks, lorries with wooden sheds on the back that, until they were banned on safety grounds, were the staples of Tahiti’s public transport. On Hiva Oa, they are used as school buses.

The tomb is simple, a heavy wedge of dark lava shaded by a frangipani tree. Beside the head is a bronze replica of his sculpture of the pagan figure of Oviri. Also buried in the same cemetery is Jacques Brel, the Belgian singer, who died here in 1978. They, like romantic travellers today, were looking for that mystical balm of simplicity that only Polynesia seems to endow. You find a little of it on Aranui.

This is a voyage that runs its fingers along the grain of island life. The ship’s doctor, Xavier Fine, who spent seven years working in the Marquesas, told me how Marquesan women living away from the islands come home for their children to be born. At the end of their lives they return too. At Ua Pou, as well as discharging the usual packs of beer and cola, toilet paper and mineral water, the ship also unloaded the body of a woman who was being brought home to be buried.

The funeral was in progress when I visited the church. Solemn yet sociable, it was more like a sickbed scene than a burial service. The mourners sat in a semi-circle round a plain wood casket with family photographs arranged along the lid. There was no ostentatious expression of grief, no tears that one could see, or sobbing, just the quiet intoning of prayers interspersed with lamentations sung, unaccompanied, in wistful harmonies. The man who led the service wore a bottle green polo shirt, pink shorts and flip-flops. Spiritually and sartorially, death is treated philosophically as part of island life.

Aranui 3 is as much a part of the Marquesas as the ubiquitous garlands of gardenias, the strumming guitars and homemade ukeleles, the wood and bone carving and the crowing cockerels. The first ships helped make the modern Marquesas, bringing the materials that built the churches, roads, schools and hospital. Just about every thing inorganic arrived on an Aranui.

There are plans now for a new ship – Aranui 5, named in deference to its Polynesian Chinese owners, for whom the number four is unlucky. It will be bigger. That may be necessary in cargo terms but extra passengers will present a risk. If almost 300 people go ashore, can the islands remain immune to the influence of their visitors? In five years, will they still be quite so welcoming, quite so enchanting or quite so rare, with no hassle, no pestering, no resentment? This may be one of those tourist trips to take sooner rather than later.

Contributed by Peter Hughes

Wednesday, June 6, 2012

Facebook's expatriate and the US Senate's demagogues

As the son of one American immigrant and the father of another, I find it hard to muster much empathy for Facebook co-founder Eduardo Saverin and his decision to renounce his US citizenship.

Saverin, who was born in Brazil and brought to this country as a child, turned in his American passport last year and moved to Singapore; it is widely assumed that he did so to reduce the taxes he would otherwise have to pay on the billion-dollar gains generated by Facebook's IPO. Saverin denies, not very convincingly, that his expatriation was motivated by tax considerations. "His decision had nothing to do with dissatisfaction here," a spokesman said, "but with his strong desire to do business there."

Well, it takes all kinds to make a global economy, and maybe Saverin genuinely prefers doing business in a quasi-authoritarian society where freedom of the press is unknown. Singapore's economy is one of the world's freest, and its taxes are considerably lower than America's. If such things matter more to Saverin than the blessings that come with American citizenship, it was always his right to leave. At least he had the grace to describe himself as "very grateful to the US for everything it has given me."

Yet while Saverin may not come across as the most appetizing of creatures, he is not nearly as odious as US Senators Chuck Schumer of New York and Bob Casey of Pennsylvania. To hear the two Democrats tell it, Saverin is a virtual traitor, a turncoat who has sinned against America and must be given no quarter.

"It's infuriating to see someone sell out" -- sell out! -- "the country that welcomed him and kept him safe, educated him and helped him become a billionaire," Schumer snarls. "We plan to put a stop to this tax avoidance scheme. There should be no financial gain from renouncing your country." Casey inveighs against "allow[ing] the ultra-wealthy to write their own rules" -- Saverin's departure, he says, is "an insult to middle class Americans and we will not accept it." The senators have introduced legislation that would penalize wealthy expatriates by imposing a 30 percent capital gains tax (double the current rate) on all their future US investments, and bar them from ever re-entering the United States.

Even by the usual standards of congressional demagoguery, this is appalling. Saverin broke no laws. He didn't cheat on his taxes. He certainly didn't write his own rules. In fact, under existing law expatriation vastly enlarged his current tax bill, by deeming most of his investment gains to have been realized and taxable on the date he renounced his citizenship. Far from escaping the taxman, Saverin's Facebook fortune enriched the US Treasury by hundreds of millions of dollars. It is only gains he accumulates after giving up his citizenship that will avoid the reach of the IRS.

But if Schumer and Casey really believe that citizens who pick up and move to improve their tax status should be smeared as sellouts and punished ex post facto, why stop with Saverin? Every year, millions of Americans relocate from high-tax jurisdictions to those with lower taxes. Between 2000 and 2010, for example, Schumer's state of New York, which has one of the nation's heaviest personal tax burdens, experienced a net outflow of 1.3 million citizens. Hundreds of thousands of those ex-New Yorkers now reside in Florida. Many no doubt moved for the weather, remarks Scott Hodge of the Tax Foundation, but how many more preferred the sunnier tax climate in Florida, where there is no individual income tax, no estate tax, and no inheritance tax?

When former Cleveland Cavalier LeBron James, spurning an offer from the New York Knicks, joined the Miami Heat two years ago, it was noted that he had a clear financial incentive to do so: Income taxes in New York would have cost him more than $12 million. Would Schumer call him a "sellout" too? Leaving Cleveland's high taxes behind saved James millions as well. Should Ohio lawmakers pass a law banning him from ever setting foot in the Buckeye State again?

Casey and Schumer both maintain Facebook pages, which together have been "liked" by more than 17,300 people. Thanks to Facebook, their reach is extended and their message amplified -- all at no cost to them. They benefit every day from Saverin's willingness to do something they never did: invest his savings in a risky start-up venture with no guarantee of success. Rather than slamming him for leaving the country, perhaps they ought to be thanking him for what he helped make possible. Or better yet, repairing the US tax code so it doesn't drive people like Saverin to seek economic refuge elsewhere.

Saverin may not be very lovable, but he at least understands economic incentives. Schumer and Casey, by contrast, have yet to grasp that the more governments try to soak their taxpayers, the more likely those taxpayers are to end up somewhere else.

Tuesday, June 5, 2012

China seeks runaway factory bosses, wants to sign more extradition treaties

China is seeking the extradition of private entrepreneurs who have fled abroad after defaulting on billions of yuan owed to state banks and loan sharks, two independent sources said, a rare move underlining Beijing’s concern over the scale of losses.

Airports and other border crossings have received lists containing the names of heavily indebted small and medium enterprise (SME) bosses who are not permitted to leave the country, said the sources, who have direct knowledge of the situation and requested anonymity because of political sensitivities.

“Foreign governments have been asked to repatriate [fugitive] SME bosses and help recover their overseas assets,” said the first source with knowledge of the negotiations.

Many of the managers are suspected to have fled to countries such as the US, Canada, Australia and Singapore, according to Chinese media reports.

The problems began with private companies in the eastern city of Wenzhou — famous for its entrepreneurs and speculators — turning to the underground lending market after Beijing clamped down on credit as part of a campaign against inflation.

Squeezed by falling export orders and rising raw material, land and labor costs — and in some cases suffering losses on their own property investments — many found themselves unable to repay, leading some SME bosses to abandon their debts, factories and workers.

The troubles are now spreading to other areas, including several cities in Zhejiang Province and Erdos in the northern region of Inner Mongolia, according to local media.

“SME bosses who owe banks a lot of money are under ‘border control,’” the second source said, referring to government monitoring and curbs on their overseas travel.

Heads of at least 80 companies in Wenzhou have gone into hiding because they could not repay loan sharks, leaving behind debts, unpaid wages and thousands out of a job, according to the online edition of Xinhua news agency.

The Foreign and Public Security ministries declined immediate comment when reached by telephone.

Beijing is also seeking to sign extradition treaties with more countries in its effort to bring home runaway officials and recover their overseas assets, the sources said.

China has such treaties with at least 33 countries since 1993, according to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Web site.

China and the US have no extradition treaty, although the countries have cooperated on corruption cases before, including in 2004, when a former Bank of China manager was deported to face charges at home.

More than 10,000 Chinese Communist Party and government officials fled to the US or Europe with 650 billion yuan (US$102 billion) in bribes or embezzled state funds between 1999 and 2009, according to a Peking University study.

Fisheries agreement with Kiribati gets new protocol

The European Commission (EC), on behalf of the European Union (EU), and the Republic of Kiribati initialled a new protocol to the Fisheries Partnership Agreement in Nadi, Fiji.

The Commission welcomes this renegotiation of the new Protocol that confirms the commitment of the EU to work with its partners on strengthening sustainable fisheries wherever its fleets operate.

The new protocol provides fishing opportunities for tuna vessels. Out of the EU annual financial contribution EUR 1,325,000, EUR 350,000 has entirely been earmarked for sectoral policy support to help the Republic of Kiribati to promote responsible and sustainable fishing in their waters. It should be noted that in this agreement the shipowner's fee was substantially increased.

The fishing opportunities available under the new protocol include a reference tonnage of 15,000 tonnes, which corresponds to fishing authorisation for four purse seiners and six long liners. The fishing opportunities have been calculated on the basis of the scientific recommendations.

According to the Commission, bilateral relationships with countries in the Pacific are ensuring the benefit for all parties involved. They are also important for the regional development in the Pacific and for the strengthening the EU position in regional fisheries organisations such as the Western and Central Pacific Fisheries Commission (WCPFC).

Fishing opportunities under this Protocol will be of the use for the ship owners coming from Spain, France and Portugal.

This new protocol to the fisheries partnership agreement will cover a period of three years and will replace the current Protocol, which expires on 16 September 2012.

In the past few years, the EU has been moving from traditional fisheries agreements to partnership agreements which, in the case of developing countries, focus on providing full support to the partner country to establish sustainable fishing in its waters.

Fisheries Partnership Agreements also increase the coherence of such agreements with the other policies of the EU in the field of development and protection of the environment. The EU has currently 15 Fisheries Partnership Agreements with third countries.

It remains to be seen what effect the new partnership will have on remedying the problems posed by Kiribati's massively overfished waters. Local fishermen have long been pushed out of competition by commercial fishers, with destabilizing effects on the Kiribati economy and diet. Any efforts to establish sustainable fishing in the Pacific will have to solve that problem first.